Female Genital Mutilation remains a critical global concern, affecting millions of women and girls across continents and reflecting deep-seated gender inequality. According to the WHO, female genital mutilation (FGM) is classified into four main types: partial or total removal of the clitoris (Type I); removal of both the clitoris and the labia minora (Type II); infibulation, which involves narrowing the vaginal opening through stitching (Type II); and other harmful procedures such as piercing, pricking, or cauterization (Type IV). These classifications help health professionals and policymakers better understand the scope and severity of the practice. In Kenya, traditional practitioners continue to perform the majority of FGM procedures, accounting for about 82 percent of cases among women aged 15–49, while a smaller proportion is carried out by healthcare workers. The most common form is Type II, involving the removal of tissue, which represents roughly 70 percent of cases nationally. Recent reports from the UN and the WHO indicate that roughly 50% of the total progress made in reducing FGM since 1990 has occurred within the past decade. This trend suggests that sustained advocacy, community-led education, legal reforms, and global awareness campaigns are beginning to yield measurable results, signaling cautious but meaningful progress toward abandonment of the practice.

GLOBAL CONTEXT

At the continental level, Africa bears the highest burden, with diverse cultural, economic, and social factors sustaining the practice. Regionally, countries like Kenya show stark variations in prevalence, highlighting how local norms intersect with national laws and interventions. Examining FGM from global, continental, regional, and national lenses allows policymakers, researchers, and communities to understand the multifaceted drivers of the practice and design targeted, culturally sensitive strategies for its elimination.

TRENDS IN PREVALENCE

Trend of FGM among girls aged 0-17 from the mid-1990s to the 2010s Figure 1: Global Trend of FGM among Girls (1990s - 2010s)

Although FGM prevalence rates among younger generations have declined in several countries, the overall number of FGM survivors globally has continued to rise since the 1990s and early 2000s. This increase is largely driven by rapid population growth in countries where the practice remains prevalent. Regional patterns further illustrate the complexity of the issue: while parts of North and West Africa have recorded reductions, progress has been comparatively slow, and in certain areas of Western Asia, prevalence among children has shown stagnation or even increases. These dynamics underscore the need for sustained, context-specific strategies that go beyond legislation to address underlying social norms and demographic pressures. Even in countries where laws criminalizing FGM are in place, enforcement remains uneven, and tangible progress at the community level does not always align with legislative reform. Legal frameworks are essential, but without consistent implementation, monitoring, and local engagement, their impact can be limited.

FGM IN EAST AFRICA AT A GLANCE

Approximately 42 million girls and women in the African continent, especially those aged between 15 and 49 have undergone FGM in East Africa. This is about 20% of all FGM cases globally. Below is a breakdown of the FGM trends in East Africa. Figure 2: FGM Prevalence Trends in East African Countries

Over the past two decades, the prevalence of FGM among children has declined dramatically in East Africa, falling from approximately 71 percent in the mid-1990s to about 8 percent by 2016 for girls aged 0–14 in pooled regional data. Younger cohorts, including those aged 0–14 and 15–19, consistently show steeper declines than older women, reflecting gradual but meaningful shifts in social norms. This sustained reduction over roughly 20 years suggests that community engagement, strengthened legal frameworks, improved access to education, and persistent advocacy efforts are contributing to the abandonment of the practice. However, adult prevalence remains high in several countries because older generations were subjected to FGM before these declines began. In Ethiopia, for example, around 65 percent of women aged 15–49 have undergone FGM, illustrating the long-term legacy of the practice. In Somalia, prevalence remains nearly universal at approximately 99 percent, placing it among the highest rates globally. These contrasts highlight both the progress achieved and the significant challenges that remain in eliminating FGM.

A FOCUS ON KENYA

FGM prevalence data reveal clear generational differences. Among young women aged 15–19, approximately 9 percent have undergone FGM, compared with about 23 percent among women aged 45–49 in Kenya. Figure 3: Generational Disparities in FGM Prevalence in Kenya

This gap highlights a steady decline over time, reflecting shifts in social norms and increased awareness. Nationally, prevalence now stands at significantly lower levels than in previous decades, particularly among younger cohorts. Despite this progress, regional disparities remain stark. In the North Eastern region, prevalence among women aged 15–49 is approximately 97 percent. County-level data show similarly high rates in Mandera (about 96 percent), Marsabit (83 percent), Kisii (77 percent), and Samburu (76 percent), while Busia records one of the lowest rates at roughly 0.1 percent. Ethnic variation is also pronounced, with higher prevalence among Somali, Kisii, Maasai, and Samburu communities. Most procedures occur between ages 5 and 14, with nearly 45 percent taking place between 10 and 14 years. Figure 4: Age Distribution and County Prevalence of FGM in Kenya

WHY DOES FGM PERSISTS IN KENYA?

Anyone who purports to be an anti-FGM advocate must be open-minded to understand its roots. By this, the illusion of the magic bullet to end FGM can be replaced with more practical solutions to make the fight more effective. This is because the practice is multifaceted. A fixated mindset may attract rebellions and backlashes. Here is what literature says reasons for the persistence of FGM vice across the communities where it is practiced in Kenya.

• In Wajir, Garissa, Marsabit, and the wider North Eastern region, FGM remains deeply embedded in social life. Most communities have normalized the practice as a marker of identity and a prerequisite for marriageability, with strong social sanctions for families who refuse to conform. The Somali view FGM is regarded a key rite of passage tied to womanhood and family honor. Although prominent religious leaders have clarified that FGM is not a requirement of Islam, perceived religious justification continues to reinforce the practice. Further, geographic isolation, limited infrastructure, and inconsistent law enforcement enable secrecy. Cross-border ties with Somalia and Ethiopia, where prevalence is also high, strengthen cultural continuity and allow cross-border cutting to persist.
• In Kisii, Nyamira, Kuria, and parts of Kuria region, FGM continues despite national declines. Like among the Somalia, the long-standing cultural traditions that associate FGM with womanhood, respectability, and family reputation sustain the practice. Generational transmission of norms, coupled with peer and community pressure, encourage compliance. In some areas, medicalization has emerged, with healthcare providers performing FGM under the perception that it is safer. Such a shift has unintentionally legitimized FGM creates a huge barrier against the efforts to eliminate the practice.
• Among the Maasai, Samburu, and pastoralist communities in Isiolo and across the Central and North Rift, FGM is intertwined with pastoralist values related to honor, fertility, and marriage. The communities in thee localities associate FGM with rites of passage and transition to adulthood. Climate shocks, including drought and displacement, intensify economic vulnerability, compelling some families to view early marriage and bride price as coping strategies. Under these circumstances, these communities view FGM as facilitator of marriage prospects, promising better coping with harsh climate impacts. Legal prohibition has, in some cases, pushed the practice underground, making it less visible but not necessarily less prevalent.
• In Narok, Kajiado, and Tana River, FGM persists where cultural identity and traditional markers of womanhood remain influential. In Maasai-influenced regions, it is still viewed by some as essential for marriage eligibility and social respect. To avoid prosecution, families may conduct ceremonies in secrecy or seek medicalized procedures.
• By contrast, Western Kenya, Nairobi, and much of Central Kenya where prevalence of FGM is lowest, high literacy levels, urbanization, economic opportunities, and stronger awareness of legal protections contribute to reduced rates. However, isolated cases persist in some communities due to residual cultural beliefs and localized social pressure, demonstrating that even in low-prevalence regions, vigilance and sustained engagement remain necessary.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

FGM remains a persistent practice in Kenya, particularly in the North Eastern counties (Wajir, Mandera, Garissa, Marsabit), North, central and South Rift (Isiolo, Narok, Kajiado), West Coast (Tana River) and southwestern areas (Kisii, Nyamira, Kuria), despite legal prohibitions and initiatives meant to end the practice. Culturally, FGM is reinforced by entrenched social norms, intergenerational cultural expectations, psychological pressures related to identity and social acceptance, and perceived religious obligations. Environmental stressors, including drought and resource scarcity in pastoralist communities, further exacerbate the practice by incentivizing early marriage as a coping strategy against harsh climate. Combined, these intersecting social, psychological, economic, and environmental factors present a complex challenge, highlighting the need for integrated, multidisciplinary interventions to accelerate the abandonment of FGM while addressing the structural and cultural conditions that sustain it.